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Salafism as a social movement with Dr Aaron Rock-Singer (2022-10-13) ​

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In the Shade of the Sunna: Salafi Piety in the Twentieth-Century Middle East by Dr Rock-Singer
https://www.amazon.co.uk/Shade-Sunna-Salafi-Twentieth-Century-Middle/dp/0520382579/ref=sr_1_fkmr1_1?crid=35JU58C2LJ1OY&keywords=Dr+Aaron+Rock-Singer&qid=1665687147&sprefix=dr+aaron+rock-singer%2Caps%2C88&sr=8-1-fkmr1

Summary of Salafism as a social movement with Dr Aaron Rock-Singer ​

*This summary is AI generated - there may be inaccuracies. *

00:00:00-01:00:00 ​

Salafism is a social movement that has its origins in the 20th century Middle East. The movement is characterized by a focus on tradition and the strict interpretation of religious texts. Salafism has been shaped by questions of women's presence in public space, female sexuality, and the power of the modern state.

00:00:00 Aaron Roth Singer's new book, "The recently published book end "In the Shade of the Sunnah: Salafi Piety in the 20th Century Middle East" examines the emergence of salafism as a social movement, tracing the origins of four social practices that came to be distinctly selfies. Salafis, Roth argues, are not simply religious automatons, but are shaped by their environment in the same way as anyone else.

  • 00:05:00 Salafism is a social movement with adherents in the UK and other parts of Europe who adhere to the Creed methodology and way of life of the salaf, or pious predecessors. Salafism is not synonymous with terrorism or violence, and the majority of salafis are quietest politically.
  • 00:10:00 Abu Khadijah discusses how salafism is a social movement with a specific theological and legal approach, and how this has led to them being a minority within the broader Afghan jihadi movement in the 1980s. He goes on to say that this isn't all the case, and that as a result, salafis understand themselves as a self-understanding that is sincere, backed up by serious textual study, and engaged in an active reconstruction of the 7th century in order to mount a particular project in the 20th and 21st centuries.
  • 00:15:00 Salafism is a social movement that stresses the importance of tahit (tradition) in Islam. Salafis argue that their understanding of tahit is the correct one, and that this understanding is essential to mobilizing the social collective in pursuit of a particular project.
  • 00:20:00 Discusses how Salafism, a social movement within Islam, can be understood within the context of 20th century ideological contestation, specifically with secular nationalism. Salafis care about appearance, specifically beard length, and there is an understandable motivation to do so if one is very committed to Islam. This is something that has been documented throughout Islamic history, going back to the Prophet Muhammad's time. However, in the 20th century, it becomes a site of contention among Islamic movements.
  • 00:25:00 Salafism is a social movement with a particular focus on bodily practice and appearance. It becomes an issue when Colonial Elites try to impose their own model of civilization on Muslims, and the post-colonial period is when this becomes a problem.
  • 00:30:00 Salafism is a social movement with a focus on following the example of Prophet Muhammad. One practice that Salafis adopt is wearing clothes that do not communicate arrogance. This has a trajectory of becoming less prevalent over time, as praying in shoes drops off and Abdul Noor starts to focus on other practices.
  • 00:35:00 Discusses Salafism, which is a social movement with a focus on prayer and other religious practices. Salafism initially advocated for praying in shoes, but over time, they've developed a variety of other justifications for not engaging in the practice. Salafis are inconsistent, which is interesting because it reveals the internal tensions within the movement.
  • 00:40:00 Salafism is a social movement with a strong belief in separation of men and women in mosques and public space. This belief is based on a prohibition against gender mixing.
  • 00:45:00 Discusses how, beginning in the 1970s, a new argument emerged in regards to segregation between men and women in Islam - that it is required by divine law. argues that this position is difficult to justify, as it requires a novel interpretation of scripture and is not supported by direct proof texts.
  • 00:50:00 provides a brief overview of the history and contemporary significance of Salafism, a conservative Muslim movement. Salafism is characterized by its adherence to a strict interpretation of the Quran and the Sunnah, or the teachings of Muhammad. The movement has been shaped by questions of women's presence in public space, female sexuality, and the power of the modern state. Salafism is also comparable to broader religious movements around the world during this period, due to the influence of colonialism and globalization.
  • 00:55:00 Discusses Salafism as a social movement, discussing the importance of precision in religious practice and the significance of this trend in terms of the erosion of religious communities and the rise of secularism. Salafism, as a response to these factors, is seen as a healthy reaction.

01:00:00-01:00:00 ​

In "Shade of the Sunnah: Salafi Parties in the 20th Century Middle East," Dr. Aaron Rock-Singer examines the emergence of salafism as a social movement in the Middle East. Salafism is defined as a "return to the original ways of the Prophet Muhammad," and as such, Rock-Singer argues, it is deeply shaped by questions and concerns of the 20th century.

01:00:00 In his book, "Shade of the Sunnah: Salafi Parties in the 20th Century Middle East," Dr. Aaron Rock-Singer examines the emergence of salafism as a social movement in the Middle East in the 20th century. Salafism is defined as a "return to the original ways of the Prophet Muhammad," and as such, Rock-Singer argues, it is deeply shaped by questions and concerns of the 20th century.

Full transcript with timestamps: CLICK TO EXPAND

0:00:03 hello everyone and welcome to blogging
0:00:05 theology today I am delighted to talk to
0:00:08 Dr Aaron Roth singer you're most welcome
0:00:10 sir
0:00:11 thanks so much for having me I'm really
0:00:13 looking forward to this conversation me
0:00:15 too of those who don't know Aaron is a
0:00:18 social and intellectual historian of the
0:00:20 modern Middle East and Islam
0:00:23 he received a ba from the University of
0:00:25 Pennsylvania his M Phil from Saint
0:00:28 Anthony College University of Oxford and
0:00:31 his PhD from Princeton's Department of
0:00:33 near Eastern studies
0:00:35 he's currently an assistant professor of
0:00:37 Middle East history at the University of
0:00:40 Wisconsin Madison
0:00:42 and as a historian of the modern Middle
0:00:45 East he has a research focus on 20th
0:00:49 century Islamic movements and states and
0:00:53 he's the author of The recently
0:00:54 published book entitled in the shade of
0:00:58 the Sunnah salafi piety in the 20th
0:01:01 century Middle East this is published by
0:01:04 the University of California press
0:01:07 so what is your new book about Aaron and
0:01:10 why did you feel the need to write it at
0:01:13 this time well Paul thanks so much for
0:01:15 having me it's really a pleasure to be
0:01:16 here and I really value this kind of
0:01:19 public engagement and you know my hope
0:01:21 for the book is that it will have
0:01:23 um an audience outside of Academia now
0:01:27 this is a book about the emergence of
0:01:29 salafism as a social movement generally
0:01:31 sales fees are studied in terms of
0:01:34 either their political engagement or a
0:01:37 specific subset of the movement some of
0:01:39 the jihadism and the engagement in
0:01:41 political violence but the problem is
0:01:43 that this doesn't actually represent the
0:01:45 vast majority of cellaces the vast
0:01:47 majority of salaries globally are
0:01:48 quietest um even though
0:01:51 um political discourse about salafism
0:01:52 tends to portray exactly the opposite
0:01:55 and so what I was interested in is
0:01:57 really getting to the core of how
0:01:59 salaphism works as a social movement how
0:02:02 it emerged how it shapes Society
0:02:04 um and how it is also shaped by the
0:02:07 society from which it has emerged and to
0:02:10 do so I decided to focus on what might
0:02:13 seem at first to be a somewhat
0:02:15 unorthodox approach namely salafi's
0:02:18 social practice the daily practices by
0:02:20 which salafis distinguish themselves not
0:02:22 simply from other Muslims but not simply
0:02:25 from non-muslims but also from other
0:02:26 Muslims these internal distinctions
0:02:29 among Muslims being really important
0:02:31 here and so to do so I trace in the book
0:02:34 the origin of four social practices that
0:02:37 become distinctly selfies one of which
0:02:40 is praying in shoes which was
0:02:42 essentially revived by salafis in the
0:02:45 mid 1940s though it had significant
0:02:48 precedent and early Islamic history a
0:02:51 second is a fist-length beard combined
0:02:53 with a trend mustache a third is
0:02:55 observance again of the prohibition
0:02:57 against letting one's robes hang down
0:02:59 they may spell and finally separation of
0:03:03 men and women to respond to the threat
0:03:07 of gender mixing or ipsilat of ginseng
0:03:10 and I basically show in the book
0:03:13 a when these practices emerge and B how
0:03:17 they emerge uh and when and how are
0:03:20 really interesting for understanding
0:03:22 solipsism because Solace are often
0:03:24 depicted as being rather humorless and
0:03:28 literalist interpreters of the Islamic
0:03:30 tradition
0:03:31 um that there's this assumption that
0:03:33 telethis go to the Quran and Sunnah and
0:03:36 then ta-da they the position is fully
0:03:38 formed now that's simply not true and
0:03:41 what I show in the book is that over the
0:03:44 course of the period between roughly
0:03:45 1930 the 1930s and 1980s selfies come to
0:03:48 articulate these distinct practices but
0:03:51 that at the beginning of this period
0:03:52 they had not yet articulated these
0:03:55 distinct practices that engage direct
0:03:57 engagement with the Quran and the Sunnah
0:04:00 if we're going to call it literalism
0:04:02 then we need to acknowledge that
0:04:04 literalism is actually an interpretive
0:04:05 approach that has many potential
0:04:07 manifestations and that solipsism
0:04:09 represents one outcome of that or one
0:04:12 potential outcome of that now the second
0:04:15 reason I came to study salafism is
0:04:18 because I was in some sense frustrated
0:04:20 by
0:04:21 somewhat unidimensional depictions of
0:04:24 them that salafis were understood
0:04:27 essentially to be religious automatons
0:04:29 and I didn't find this to be a
0:04:31 particularly persuasive depiction
0:04:33 because salafis you know it feels funny
0:04:36 to have to say this but some of these
0:04:37 like any other Pious or you know
0:04:39 non-religious folks are people and are
0:04:42 shaped by the world around them in
0:04:44 exactly the same way that everyone that
0:04:46 people oh this is this is news folks
0:04:48 we've heard it first on belonging
0:04:49 theology from Professor
0:04:53 just on that point I love picking up
0:04:56 books this is why the book uh uh the
0:04:57 making of a salafi Muslim woman policy
0:05:00 conversion by Annabelle Inga who's not a
0:05:02 Muslim uh I stress she's a researcher at
0:05:04 King's College I was a university here
0:05:06 in London and I mentioned this positive
0:05:09 conversion uh it's about many converts
0:05:11 to salafi understandings of Islam who
0:05:13 are women and uh many many otherwise
0:05:16 which are these women are Highly
0:05:17 Educated people and it's a process uh
0:05:20 over time and they're thoughtful and
0:05:22 considered and I'd often know a great
0:05:24 deal about their particular
0:05:25 understanding of Islam so just to back
0:05:27 up the there's women to choosing to
0:05:30 converge to a salafi understanding of
0:05:32 Islam so just to give a more dimensional
0:05:34 perspective to what you're saying yep
0:05:36 yeah absolutely and you know the goal
0:05:38 here
0:05:41 are the ideas
0:05:42 and conceptions of particular social
0:05:45 practices emerged but how they emerged
0:05:48 and how they were shaped by competing
0:05:50 ideological influences I think it's very
0:05:52 important to take seriously the cellacy
0:05:55 effort to derive all law from the Quran
0:05:58 and the Sunnah I think it's very
0:06:00 important to take seriously the fact
0:06:03 that this represents a broader
0:06:04 self-understanding
0:06:06 but if we are going to understand
0:06:09 salafism as a 20th century social
0:06:11 movement which I think there's a very
0:06:12 good case for doing so if we are going
0:06:15 to really bring out the richness of the
0:06:18 world from which solopism emerges and
0:06:21 within which it develops then we need to
0:06:23 think more broadly about how salafis are
0:06:26 shaped not merely by their ideological
0:06:30 competitors whether islamists or secular
0:06:33 nationalists but how also how they're
0:06:35 shaped by models of what it means to be
0:06:38 a citizen transmitted by States
0:06:41 particularly this idea that the citizen
0:06:43 in order to be a proper and faithful
0:06:46 citizen must regulate their body in
0:06:49 certain ways that they must appear in a
0:06:53 certain fashion because that kind of
0:06:55 appearance is not just about
0:06:56 distinguishing people but it's about
0:06:58 signaling a broader ethical Allegiance
0:07:00 and so that's what I went looking for I
0:07:04 wanted to explain how cellophane works
0:07:06 as a project in a manner that would be
0:07:09 both recognizable to those who identify
0:07:11 as salafi themselves but also a
0:07:14 conversation that academics could have
0:07:17 um about how this movement works and how
0:07:20 it has developed because the only way we
0:07:23 are going to understand these questions
0:07:25 is essentially pushing past these
0:07:28 platitudes I think yeah absolutely it
0:07:31 sounds very worthwhile project just to
0:07:32 give a very brief uh paragraph uh from
0:07:36 an article by Abu Khadijah he's a
0:07:38 leading salafi writer and teacher in the
0:07:40 UK and he he's written an article which
0:07:42 one can read online called what is a
0:07:44 salafi and it has many many paragraphs
0:07:47 to it I was going to read a few brief
0:07:48 sentences from the very start and he
0:07:50 says and this is a self-definition of a
0:07:52 leading salafi uh in the UK to be a
0:07:55 salafi he writes means adhering to the
0:07:58 Creed methodology and the way of life of
0:08:01 the salaf the pious predecessors these
0:08:03 are the like the Disciples of Jesus if
0:08:06 you like immigration uh although they're
0:08:08 not quite the earliest of the uh Salif
0:08:11 was the generation of the prophet and
0:08:13 his companions then after them came The
0:08:15 Virtuous three generations of believers
0:08:18 who held fast to the Sunnah of the
0:08:20 prophet and his companions so it's not
0:08:22 just the Quran it's the those three
0:08:24 generations as well the person who
0:08:26 understands this path correctly he
0:08:28 writes follows is exactly without
0:08:31 introducing anything into it nor
0:08:34 deviating from it is a salafi quote
0:08:37 unquote and that's when article entitled
0:08:39 what is salafism and what does he call
0:08:42 to by Abu Khadija do you just Google
0:08:45 that and a very long article gives many
0:08:47 many points and subsections and details
0:08:49 of what you must believe to be a salafi
0:08:52 so their perception is very much that
0:08:54 they are the authentic original
0:08:56 inheritors of that first practice and
0:08:59 the other thing that we discussed this
0:09:01 briefly Aaron before before we started
0:09:02 the recording is the misunderstanding
0:09:05 and you briefly alluded to actually of
0:09:06 in the west particularly in Europe of
0:09:09 salafi's uh equating with terrorists or
0:09:12 violence Jihad this is virtually this is
0:09:15 false because the overwhelming majority
0:09:17 in Britain in Germany and everywhere and
0:09:19 in Egypt your special area are quietest
0:09:22 politically in other words they're not
0:09:23 even involved in politics let alone uh
0:09:26 violent uh overthrows okay and they
0:09:28 usually quite have a very uh austere
0:09:30 doctrine of obedience to the state uh to
0:09:34 the governing authorities to the Islamic
0:09:35 rule is even when they behave unjustly
0:09:38 it's only in very particular exceptions
0:09:40 can the removal of Islamic ruler be even
0:09:43 thought about let alone routinely
0:09:45 considered so that the reality is quite
0:09:48 different from the Western perception
0:09:49 very often yeah and I actually think one
0:09:52 of the there's recently um Thomas
0:09:54 hakehamer's wonderful book about abdall
0:09:57 Azam came out and for my purposes one of
0:10:00 the juiciest anecdotes was essentially a
0:10:02 description of the Jihadi movement in
0:10:05 1980s Afghanistan of which salafis were
0:10:07 a distinct minority
0:10:09 um and the basic gist of the story that
0:10:12 heck Hammer was telling because was that
0:10:14 essentially these credit these
0:10:17 theological and legal disagreements that
0:10:20 celesties had with non-selfies
0:10:23 um based on both you know handbally
0:10:26 Theology and a particular approach to
0:10:28 emphasizing the first three generations
0:10:30 of the Muslim Community actually got
0:10:32 them in some social hot water in 1980s
0:10:35 Afghanistan because they were a minority
0:10:36 within that broader majority now since
0:10:40 then the Salah fijihadi approach has
0:10:42 taken over the Jihadi movement more
0:10:44 broadly but it was that wasn't all the
0:10:46 case and as you rightly know
0:10:48 the vast majority of selfies are quiet
0:10:50 and so in some sense it's a very strange
0:10:54 reversal that the the minority of
0:10:58 celestees who are celebrity jihadis end
0:11:01 up being represented as the majority
0:11:04 um of the group
0:11:05 um I I do want to come back to that
0:11:07 self-deficit definition by Abu Khadijah
0:11:11 because I think it's actually a very
0:11:13 really brings out something fundamental
0:11:16 about how celices see their projects
0:11:19 namely that this is a project of
0:11:21 reproducing of
0:11:24 intense Fidelity to the model of the
0:11:27 Salah of the first three generations of
0:11:30 the pious ancestors and of not deviating
0:11:33 from it of not embracing any form of
0:11:35 innovation and I
0:11:38 I think that
0:11:40 in terms of how I I think there's good
0:11:42 reason to think that salafis understand
0:11:45 themselves in exactly this way uh that
0:11:48 this is a self-understanding that is
0:11:50 sincere
0:11:51 um it is backed up by serious textual
0:11:53 study
0:11:55 um an intensive project of textual
0:11:57 reconstruction of the seventh century
0:12:01 um in order to best approximate the way
0:12:04 that Muslims lived during this early
0:12:07 period
0:12:08 but here's the thing right
0:12:10 selfies are no more capable than any
0:12:14 other human being of avoiding the
0:12:17 intellectual dynamics of their time of
0:12:20 stepping outside of History
0:12:22 um and so to say that salafis don't
0:12:25 engage in Vida
0:12:27 this is a position of course within the
0:12:30 Islamic tradition it's an interpretive
0:12:31 position it's a position of pcopy thick
0:12:35 um but it's
0:12:37 it's in some sense an insufficient
0:12:39 position if we're analyzing salaphism as
0:12:42 a project because
0:12:45 we can't none of us can escape the
0:12:48 worlds from which we come even to the
0:12:50 extent that we rebel against those
0:12:51 worlds that we push back against those
0:12:54 worlds we can't escape those worlds we
0:12:56 are always reacting to those worlds and
0:12:58 so if we think about salafism in the
0:13:01 Middle East as a project that
0:13:02 essentially emerges
0:13:04 um
0:13:05 in the shadow of both Colonial modernity
0:13:09 and the overwhelming power of first
0:13:14 um Colonial States before that the
0:13:17 ottoman Egyptian state in the Egyptian
0:13:18 context and then postcolonial secular
0:13:21 nationalist States
0:13:24 they are reacting to this they are
0:13:26 shaped by this like you know to take the
0:13:28 example of Egypt like other Egyptians
0:13:30 they assist they attend Egyptian Public
0:13:33 Schools they often work in Egyptian
0:13:35 State institutions which have their own
0:13:37 internal Logics which have their own
0:13:39 ways of seeing the world and
0:13:43 it simply is to place salafis within
0:13:45 history to say they are reacting to that
0:13:48 world from which they come and
0:13:52 what they're doing is not reproducing
0:13:54 the 7th Century what they're doing is
0:13:57 not sidestepping the inevitable reality
0:14:00 that
0:14:02 one is necessarily shaped by the changes
0:14:05 of History whether one likes it or not
0:14:07 um but rather what they're doing is
0:14:09 engaging in an active reconstruction of
0:14:13 the 7th Century in order to mount a
0:14:17 particular project in the 20th and 21st
0:14:20 centuries and to give you an example of
0:14:22 how a term that is very old can have new
0:14:25 meaning
0:14:26 um and this is really something I focus
0:14:28 on in chapter two of my book the concept
0:14:32 of tahit right this is about as basic an
0:14:34 Islamic concept as there is the concept
0:14:38 that we can trace back to the earliest
0:14:40 of Islamic history is a concept that
0:14:44 within the theological tradition uh
0:14:47 particularly figures such as IBN tymia
0:14:50 is very clearly not simply about belief
0:14:54 but also about practice as colebunzel
0:14:56 has pointed out this is not a question
0:14:57 of monotheism this is a question of
0:14:59 monology of orienting all of One on the
0:15:02 actions towards the worship of one God
0:15:06 so we see salafis in the 20th century
0:15:09 saying we are proponents of tahit we
0:15:13 live by talcit yes this question is what
0:15:16 does that mean there are certainly just
0:15:18 I just put for viewers who may not
0:15:21 realize the the idea that tauhed is the
0:15:23 central concept or concern of of of
0:15:25 faith is not exclusive to salafis of
0:15:28 course no not at all the mainstream is
0:15:30 still in Tradition but also a sense to
0:15:31 that yeah so there's an element of
0:15:33 making distinctions here rather than a
0:15:35 completely new phenomena this is a
0:15:37 particular understanding of that perhaps
0:15:39 so you're going to explain more detail
0:15:41 but this is a shared belief of all
0:15:43 Muslims and it is taught by the Quran
0:15:45 endlessly tauhid is a central concept
0:15:47 the Oneness and unity of God as opposed
0:15:50 to associating partners and distorted
0:15:53 understandings of God held by other
0:15:54 Traditions is emphasized constantly as
0:15:57 the central belief of Islam amongst
0:16:00 virtually all Muslims I suppose yeah and
0:16:02 so this is part of what's so curious
0:16:04 about about the decision as a matter of
0:16:08 differentiation from other Muslims to
0:16:10 emphasize tahit to this degree and the
0:16:13 question is so why do sellers do that
0:16:15 and what does the cellacy conception of
0:16:18 Tahiti include uh and the question of
0:16:22 why they do it is because what we are
0:16:24 talking about is an internal Muslim
0:16:26 battle that the Supreme isn't that that
0:16:30 salacis are the only ones who uphold hey
0:16:34 to all Muslims do this rather the claim
0:16:36 is that their understanding of tahit is
0:16:39 the correct one correct but we need to
0:16:42 also think beyond the strict categories
0:16:45 of taheda as a category because what
0:16:48 does it mean
0:16:49 in a country that is such as Egypt that
0:16:52 is majority Muslim vastly you know has a
0:16:55 vast Muslim majority to say we uphold
0:16:59 what does that even mean and here we
0:17:02 also have to think about the fact that
0:17:04 tahit asserting tahit in some sense is a
0:17:07 claim of sovereignty it's a claim of who
0:17:10 should control how we think how we Act
0:17:13 and there
0:17:15 in the background are the claims to
0:17:18 sovereignty of the modern Egyptian state
0:17:20 in the background are the is the
0:17:23 dominance of secular nationalism in the
0:17:26 20th century
0:17:27 and so if we really want to understand
0:17:29 what it means for Celsius to invoke
0:17:31 God's Oneness
0:17:34 we first of course look to Islamic
0:17:36 history into what that concept means we
0:17:38 look horizontally to other Muslims to
0:17:40 understand the way in which this fits
0:17:42 within this broader Islamic context but
0:17:44 we also look to ideological developments
0:17:47 that have nothing to do with the Islamic
0:17:50 tradition and part of what's so intro
0:17:52 what was so interesting to me in this
0:17:53 book is when I went looking for how
0:17:56 salaphies in 20th century Egypt came to
0:17:59 articulate a particular understanding of
0:18:02 how hate that was premised on not just
0:18:05 belief but action it's that they relied
0:18:09 on a category that superficially has
0:18:12 real basis in the Islamic scholarly
0:18:14 tradition but they were using a
0:18:16 different concept namely they're using
0:18:18 the concept of ADA or custom
0:18:20 and you know the customs of the prophet
0:18:23 and the observance of the customs of the
0:18:27 Prophet as one of the key aspects of
0:18:30 teleheat now looking at this is was very
0:18:33 interesting because right one
0:18:35 historically we have a real distinction
0:18:38 between acts of worship
0:18:41 Mutual transaction
0:18:43 and a variety um
0:18:46 of local practices over which there is
0:18:49 no that are simply lost as or they're
0:18:52 just custom
0:18:53 um and the Islamic tradition has no
0:18:55 particular statement over them and for
0:18:56 example one of those uh one of those
0:18:59 categories is clothing right that
0:19:02 Muslims throughout history have dressed
0:19:03 in widely different ways that broadly
0:19:07 speaking there is a concern with
0:19:09 imitation uh of non-muslims
0:19:12 um but that there are and there's an
0:19:14 incredible diversity not just
0:19:16 historically but also today of how
0:19:17 Muslims
0:19:19 um now
0:19:20 what's interesting is in the 1930s and
0:19:22 40s in Egypt and also Beyond Egypt
0:19:24 salafisa come to incorporate a very
0:19:28 different definition of
0:19:31 it's a definition drawn from secular
0:19:33 nationalism in which custom is a central
0:19:36 the the effacement of previous Customs
0:19:40 the the replacement with new Customs are
0:19:43 an essential means of mobilizing the
0:19:47 social collective in pursuit of a
0:19:49 particular project
0:19:51 this is and thus custom becomes part of
0:19:55 the salathy conception of God's Oneness
0:20:00 now if we're just thinking about the
0:20:03 Islamic legal tradition this makes very
0:20:05 little sense and if we're even thinking
0:20:07 about the Hadith Corpus this makes very
0:20:09 little sense but if we situate salaphism
0:20:12 within it within the context of 20th
0:20:16 century ideological contestation
0:20:17 particularly with secular nationalism
0:20:19 then the connections become clear
0:20:22 can you give examples just to make it
0:20:25 clearer what we're talking about
0:20:26 specifically do you mentioned clothing
0:20:28 uh perhaps um so
0:20:33 if we're talking about well let me let
0:20:35 me take a step back
0:20:37 for salafis to be a salafi is to be seen
0:20:41 as a selfie that there's a real concern
0:20:44 with appearance now one might think of
0:20:48 concern with appearance as superficial
0:20:51 I think that's missing that's missing
0:20:54 something crucial
0:20:55 um I mean there's this classic
0:20:56 distinction between shells and cores and
0:20:59 I I think that that is missing the point
0:21:02 here one might also say oh well the
0:21:05 reason salafis care about beards is
0:21:07 because secular nationalists care about
0:21:09 beards and it is and islamists care
0:21:12 about beards and they all have their own
0:21:15 interpretations of what a what proper
0:21:16 facial hair looks like interestingly in
0:21:19 the case of the Muslim Brotherhood and
0:21:22 Egypt's leading some of the organization
0:21:26 the Hadith report that each site in
0:21:29 support of their respective
0:21:30 interpretations of beards is actually
0:21:33 the same Hadith report it's about IBN
0:21:35 Omar trimming his beard to a minimum of
0:21:38 to the minimum of the kapta of the Fist
0:21:41 um prior to going on umra
0:21:44 but the crucial point is so why are they
0:21:47 fighting over facial hair why are they
0:21:49 competing over facial hair why do people
0:21:52 care about facial hair and it's
0:21:55 certainly the case that if we look at
0:21:56 Islamic history facial hair is a key
0:21:59 site for masculinity generally and
0:22:03 religious masculinity in
0:22:05 particularly imitating of course there's
0:22:07 a great passion to imitate to the
0:22:09 prophet it is like you know even down to
0:22:11 uh you know my new details of behavior
0:22:15 and hygiene and so on appearance uh
0:22:18 beard uh there is this desire to emulate
0:22:21 the most uh you know the most
0:22:23 extraordinary man who ever lived and
0:22:24 indeed the God says so in the Quran that
0:22:26 we should yeah there's a perfect example
0:22:28 so there's an understandable motivation
0:22:30 uh to to do that if one is uh very
0:22:33 committed to uh Islam to imitate the
0:22:36 prophet indeed that's the point of the
0:22:37 religion to some extent yeah yeah and so
0:22:40 this is so
0:22:42 there is this goal of imitating the
0:22:45 prophet but
0:22:47 essentially all of these legal debates
0:22:50 over how long a beard should be
0:22:53 are more or less theoretical debates we
0:22:57 don't find scholars in the pre-modern
0:22:59 period engage in Furious argumentation
0:23:01 of whether the beard is a minimum of a
0:23:04 fist or not we you know there's this
0:23:06 wonderful debate in the mid-1990s
0:23:08 between Abdel Aziz bin baz and Mohamed
0:23:11 to heavyweight the misalatism on exactly
0:23:15 this topic and the question is so why is
0:23:18 everyone so concerned with fears
0:23:20 not
0:23:22 the argument isn't that beards are novel
0:23:24 but what is it about the 20th century
0:23:26 that leads salafis and for that matter
0:23:29 nonsalities to argue over beards and the
0:23:33 answer is and this comes back to your
0:23:35 point about this commitment to emulating
0:23:38 the Prophet Muhammad
0:23:41 19th and 20th Pro Century projects of
0:23:45 forming Sound Citizens in Egypt and
0:23:47 elsewhere make a basic assumption
0:23:50 namely that what you look like
0:23:54 reflects a broader ethical commitment
0:23:57 reflects a broader moral project and so
0:24:02 there in that context it's not not that
0:24:06 that a beard
0:24:08 acquires significance at all but rather
0:24:11 it takes on a new significance it takes
0:24:13 on an expanded significance of
0:24:16 representing one's commitment to
0:24:19 emulating the prophet Muhammad that
0:24:23 the ideal of emulating the profit was
0:24:25 always there this is something we can
0:24:27 trace well back into Islamic history as
0:24:30 well you know it's a core Assumption of
0:24:32 the Sunnah as an authoritative set of
0:24:35 texts
0:24:37 but the question is
0:24:39 why does it become then a site of
0:24:41 contestation and in interestingly enough
0:24:44 right it becomes a site of contestation
0:24:46 not merely between Islamic movements and
0:24:50 their secular counterparts but among
0:24:52 Islamic movements or even a site of
0:24:54 contestation Within salacism and the
0:24:58 only way to my mind to really understand
0:25:00 why it becomes such a heated site of
0:25:02 contestation is this 19th 20th century
0:25:05 linkage between the ethics and
0:25:07 appearance
0:25:09 this assumption that how you look
0:25:11 suggests or requires or it
0:25:16 suggests it underscores a broader
0:25:18 ethical commitment to a particular
0:25:20 project that's why it's it's so
0:25:22 important to sell us these how they look
0:25:25 far from being a superficial matter it
0:25:28 is actually intrinsically tied to what
0:25:31 it means to be a Pious Muslim to what it
0:25:34 means to orient oneself to a particular
0:25:37 religio ethical project I'm just
0:25:39 wondering in the context you mentioned
0:25:41 the 19th and 20th Century of course
0:25:42 these are the the centuries of
0:25:44 colonialism when the West Begins to be
0:25:46 in the form of the British and then the
0:25:47 French before them and other countries
0:25:50 and other parts of Africa Italy and
0:25:51 libyans are were actively colonizing and
0:25:54 imposing their quote-unquote Superior
0:25:56 civilization on the Muslim World in
0:25:59 North Africa and everywhere else I think
0:26:01 as well
0:26:02 um and so the the idea of a Muslim
0:26:04 identity in the face of such hegemony
0:26:06 military cultural political hegemony
0:26:09 might then become an issue because do we
0:26:11 emulate the clean-shaven Europeans uh
0:26:15 who address in a certain way with their
0:26:17 with their trousers and their suits or
0:26:19 their armor whatever all do we emulate
0:26:22 another model either the model of the
0:26:23 Prophet so I'm wondering how much that
0:26:26 contested
0:26:27 definition of what it is just to be in
0:26:29 the modern world in North Africa uh fed
0:26:32 into these debates in terms of the the
0:26:34 context yeah well I think it I I think
0:26:37 the colonial period is central for
0:26:39 understanding the emergence of salatism
0:26:41 because chronologically speaking that's
0:26:43 when salafism as a movement emerges
0:26:46 um and it's absolutely the case that one
0:26:48 has also these crossovers between
0:26:52 Colonial Elites and in their fashion
0:26:55 styles and local Egyptians or you know
0:26:58 local folks elsewhere
0:27:01 I think in some sense what is
0:27:04 striking about the story of social
0:27:06 practice and salafism is that these
0:27:09 debates don't for the most part break
0:27:11 out until the post-colonial period and
0:27:16 I have a few ideas as to why this is if
0:27:19 we think about the colonial period the
0:27:22 binaries the dividing line is pretty
0:27:24 clear right you have Muslims and
0:27:26 non-muslims you have foreign occupiers
0:27:28 who are not Muslim who are Christian who
0:27:30 are supporting also not just colonizing
0:27:32 but are enabling a broader Christian
0:27:35 proselytization Missionary project
0:27:38 primarily Protestant but also Catholic
0:27:41 um you of course have a minority of
0:27:43 Coptic Christians in Egypt but the
0:27:45 majority of Egyptians are Muslims so in
0:27:46 some sense we have a clear divide and
0:27:49 even the Divide between Western and
0:27:51 Eastern Christianity is quite clear in
0:27:54 this context
0:27:56 we shift to the postcolonial period
0:27:59 which in Egypt is 1952 and suddenly
0:28:03 there's a new challenge right because
0:28:05 historically you know in the colonial
0:28:07 context
0:28:08 appeals to Islamic piety as a bulwark
0:28:12 against Colonial influence as a means of
0:28:17 signaling one's identity as a Muslim is
0:28:19 a relatively straightforward there
0:28:21 because it's not resembling it's taking
0:28:25 on one model and it's not resembling the
0:28:27 foreign occupiers the challenge in the
0:28:30 postcolonial period is that suddenly
0:28:33 the vast majority of the folks who are
0:28:34 competing to claim a mantle of
0:28:36 authenticity for some religiously based
0:28:38 authenticity for others not
0:28:40 um are are almost all Muslims and so
0:28:43 therefore there needs to be a process of
0:28:45 self-differentiation among Muslims and
0:28:48 this is the context right in which this
0:28:50 appeal to tell Hayes takes on its
0:28:53 particular fail if there needs to be a
0:28:54 way for some Islamic movements to
0:28:57 distinguish themselves from other
0:28:58 Islamic movements uh now part of what's
0:29:01 so fascinating about this move and then
0:29:04 about the sources that are cited in from
0:29:06 the Hadith Corpus that are cited in
0:29:09 support of this move is that the
0:29:11 question of social distinction is very
0:29:13 much one that was present in 7th Century
0:29:15 Arabia as well right this is we have
0:29:18 many of these citations for bodily
0:29:21 practice are premised on distinguishing
0:29:23 Muslims from non-muslims
0:29:25 um yes Christians or austrians Etc
0:29:28 one of the examples uh you mentioned in
0:29:31 your book is uh the the idea of the
0:29:34 salafi's emphasizing not wearing one's
0:29:36 clothes or one's robes uh beneath uh
0:29:39 that cover the ankles yeah and and of
0:29:41 course this is a
0:29:43 um found in many authentic Hadith uh
0:29:45 which forbid wearing one's clothes below
0:29:47 the ankles bukhari for example and it's
0:29:49 interesting in looking I refresh my
0:29:51 memory looking at some of these the
0:29:52 Deeds again today
0:29:54 um sometimes the reasons are given in
0:29:56 sahi Hadid there's one particular sahi
0:29:57 Hadith which where the Prophet says uh
0:30:00 obviously not to do this practice
0:30:01 because it is a kind of showing off yeah
0:30:05 it's not just uh let us look different
0:30:08 from the others the non-believers but
0:30:10 also it symbolizes a spiritually
0:30:12 negative practice I hubris or showing
0:30:15 awful pride and so there's a sense that
0:30:18 these clothes signify a negative
0:30:21 spiritual spiritual practice or
0:30:23 disposition of the heart and that's why
0:30:25 it was uh prohibited for Muslims and and
0:30:27 salafi is having this uh needs to go
0:30:30 back to the original practice and not
0:30:31 just a salafis by the way uh it the uh
0:30:34 the abandies uh that many of these Salif
0:30:37 salafi tropes that you mentioned in your
0:30:39 book are actually not exclusive to
0:30:41 salafis uh I was speaking to a hanafi
0:30:44 scholar here in the UK earlier and he he
0:30:47 mentioned the idea bandhes now these are
0:30:48 missionary movements particularly the
0:30:50 tabliki jamaat uh actually these are not
0:30:53 salafis of course these are hanafi well
0:30:55 the hanafi uh people but they also had
0:30:58 these same uh uh uh emphasis on dressing
0:31:03 a certain way with a beard in a certain
0:31:04 way so it's so it seems to be not just
0:31:07 an exclusive salafi practice but uh is
0:31:10 found in at least one other huge event
0:31:12 is arguably the largest missionary
0:31:14 Islamic movement in the world that they
0:31:16 also had this concern uh it would say
0:31:19 yeah yeah and part of what's interesting
0:31:22 is actually one of the things one finds
0:31:24 is a translation of geobandi texts from
0:31:27 Urdu into Arabic in Saudi Arabia in the
0:31:30 70s and 80s particularly in the debate
0:31:33 over the theory
0:31:35 um
0:31:37 what I what I would say is in some sense
0:31:43 it is certainly Isbell is a really
0:31:45 interesting case because one does have
0:31:48 this other value to it of
0:31:51 um
0:31:52 not communicating arrogance
0:31:56 um and but part but here again this is
0:31:58 what gets so what's so striking about
0:32:01 solidism is and this underscores this
0:32:04 concern with visibility this profound
0:32:06 concern with visibility is that in the
0:32:09 mud Hub tradition
0:32:10 there's essentially there is an
0:32:12 acceptance of this as a principle this
0:32:15 concern that Isabel signifies something
0:32:18 that is really improper um and unmuslim
0:32:21 and so therefore one should observe the
0:32:23 prohibition but also an acknowledgment
0:32:27 that sometimes that
0:32:29 long robes don't have to necessarily
0:32:33 communicate arrogance right there are
0:32:36 scenarios in which long robes are just
0:32:38 long ropes that it's nothing more than a
0:32:41 piece of cloth yeah
0:32:44 if you take the inner meaning of this
0:32:46 practice uh and retain that so we
0:32:49 mustn't be arrogant we mustn't wear
0:32:50 clothes where we show off uh and if the
0:32:54 cultural reference is no longer there as
0:32:55 it was in the 7th Century I could see
0:32:57 how one could argue that I can see that
0:32:59 salafis who have a very a more literal
0:33:02 understanding of imitating the prophet
0:33:03 precisely as he was uh what would
0:33:06 perhaps acknowledge that but still say
0:33:08 we're going to follow the prophet's
0:33:10 example because he's the prophet we're
0:33:11 gonna we're gonna be like him so he
0:33:13 might even transcend just the meaning of
0:33:15 that but also uh the the actual clothing
0:33:18 itself but so here's here's what was so
0:33:21 fascinating to me about tracing these
0:33:23 practices because what has a trajectory
0:33:25 of practices where salafi's adopt a
0:33:27 variety of practices and in doing so
0:33:31 just not only entrench a particular
0:33:34 project of emulating a profit but also
0:33:37 entrenched themselves in their societies
0:33:41 but then there's a practice that
0:33:42 essentially drops off namely praying
0:33:44 issues which is a practice that has a
0:33:46 clear basis in the Hadith not of not
0:33:50 simply someone such as IBN Omar doing it
0:33:53 which is our site our main Citation for
0:33:56 the beard but of the problem of having
0:33:58 himself doing it we know historically
0:34:01 that praying in shoes drops off within
0:34:03 the first few hundred years of Islamic
0:34:05 history as part of the broader
0:34:07 transition of the Islamic project to
0:34:10 becoming an urban
0:34:12 um one in which there was a concern of
0:34:15 essentially dirtying very nice mosque
0:34:18 carpets so we know that with the
0:34:20 exception of the Hundley School praying
0:34:22 in shoes drops off and then on Thursday
0:34:25 night in the 40s and 50s were private
0:34:27 and for about 15 years they argue that
0:34:31 this is a really Central prize project
0:34:32 that this is crucial to emulating
0:34:35 Muhammad and so forth
0:34:36 then Abdul no sir comes to power and
0:34:39 having spent the time to read every
0:34:42 single page of every single issue of
0:34:44 ansarasinda's Publications from really
0:34:48 1930 to 1990 1936 to 1995. well what was
0:34:54 very striking was that up until
0:34:57 basically 1989 they didn't talk about
0:35:00 praying issues it quarterly dropped off
0:35:03 the agenda
0:35:05 um and there's a very easy explanation
0:35:08 for that in the 50s namely that under a
0:35:11 brutal authoritarian secular nationalist
0:35:14 ruler you don't want to do anything that
0:35:16 will draw attention to you
0:35:19 um and so beards are dangerous there and
0:35:21 praying and shoes is dangerous there too
0:35:23 but what's striking is that when the
0:35:26 debate comes back and again in the 40s
0:35:28 and 50s
0:35:29 it is depicted by Leading members of
0:35:31 ansara Sunnah as being essential to what
0:35:34 it means to emulate
0:35:36 when the debate comes back what is so
0:35:38 striking is that
0:35:40 sell a few Scholars say yes the practice
0:35:44 is permissible some argue that it is
0:35:48 praiseworthy but no one is arguing that
0:35:51 it's required anymore and instead
0:35:54 they're actually coming up with a
0:35:56 variety of what are essentially
0:35:58 extratextual justifications which anyone
0:36:02 first in the mud Hub tradition is much
0:36:05 more familiar with but for solid fees
0:36:07 everything has to be based on the Quran
0:36:08 and Sunnah all these extra textual
0:36:10 justifications of why even though this
0:36:14 is a praiseworthy practice if it leads
0:36:17 to any kind of social Discord which
0:36:20 insofar as it was a practice of you know
0:36:23 very clearly identify you know
0:36:26 establishing Lines within mosques of who
0:36:28 is south and who is not invariably would
0:36:31 produce some level of social Discord
0:36:34 um that but the argument if this
0:36:35 produces some level of social Discord or
0:36:38 if this leads to the mosque carpets
0:36:42 being dirtied
0:36:43 um then it shouldn't be done then it
0:36:45 should be avoided and what's so striking
0:36:48 about this argument is that this is the
0:36:50 argument that in the 40s and 50s those
0:36:52 who were arguing against praying in
0:36:54 shoes were making and now that argument
0:36:57 has essentially been Incorporated by
0:36:59 salafis to justify
0:37:01 not engaging in a practice that half a
0:37:05 century earlier they identified
0:37:07 unequivocally as a crucial and Central
0:37:10 practice
0:37:12 um necessary to emulate Muhammad
0:37:14 interesting I didn't know about the the
0:37:16 shoes until until I looked it up I mean
0:37:18 in a local mosque here regions part
0:37:20 musculine is huge mosque we just got
0:37:22 some very nice new carpets put down and
0:37:24 I know no one would be happy if you
0:37:25 walked on those pockets
0:37:27 they would be instantly uh ejected and
0:37:30 uh and rightly so but uh but no if it
0:37:33 was the Sunnah but on the other hand
0:37:34 there are parks in a Hyde Park a
0:37:36 Speaker's Corner where uh Muslims pray
0:37:38 outside and they do wear their shoes so
0:37:40 it seems there seems to be some uh and
0:37:42 rightly so because you know it can be
0:37:44 very cold and so on
0:37:46 um so there's flexibility it seems yeah
0:37:48 and there's also of course a whole
0:37:50 conversation legally speaking of whether
0:37:52 one can pray in socks
0:37:54 um
0:37:54 but yeah it's you know what's
0:37:57 interesting to me
0:37:59 what's interesting to me is when salafis
0:38:02 are inconsistent uh and that's not
0:38:04 because
0:38:05 as a scholar I find it particularly
0:38:08 interesting
0:38:10 um to catch people any consistencies
0:38:12 because that's a not the point of what
0:38:13 I'm doing and B that's missing the point
0:38:15 of why inconsistency is interesting it's
0:38:18 precisely the tensions or
0:38:19 inconsistencies in any idea any
0:38:21 ideological project religious or
0:38:24 non-religious any world-making project
0:38:27 um it's those inconsistencies that
0:38:29 really help us understand the internal
0:38:31 tensions help us understand the
0:38:33 historical developments help us really
0:38:36 cast light on the ways in which these
0:38:38 projects are negotiated in
0:38:41 very intricate and intimate way I I
0:38:46 intimate relation to social life
0:38:49 um that there's a discourse that every
0:38:52 project has secular nationalism
0:38:55 of representing a pure ideal
0:38:59 and of then telling history in a way
0:39:03 that reproduces that pure ideal uh and
0:39:06 this is something we see done across the
0:39:08 board but if we want to understand how
0:39:10 these movements work how they are the
0:39:12 projects of human beings living in the
0:39:14 here and now then we've got to focus on
0:39:16 the tensions and that's what's so fun to
0:39:18 me and so intellectually productive to
0:39:20 me about looking at how practices Wax
0:39:23 and Wane because it really gets us into
0:39:25 this question of how is this a human
0:39:27 endeavor
0:39:29 okay are there any other examples I know
0:39:31 you mentioned some other ones in in your
0:39:33 book uh about uh the relationship
0:39:35 between men and women uh for example
0:39:38 so selfies seek to separate men and
0:39:41 women in the book I used I used the term
0:39:44 gender segregation it can also be called
0:39:46 gender separation
0:39:48 um this is a commitment to separating
0:39:50 men and women in public space and the
0:39:53 question is where that project comes
0:39:57 from
0:39:57 um
0:39:58 now if we look back at Islamic history
0:40:00 it is clearly the case that we have the
0:40:03 separation of men and women in a mosque
0:40:06 setting
0:40:07 but beyond that the primary concern of
0:40:11 the pre-modern Islamic legal tradition
0:40:13 is
0:40:15 illicit sexual relations namely Zuna
0:40:18 that men and women will have intercourse
0:40:21 out of wedlock and preventing the
0:40:24 regulating the spaces that might lead to
0:40:28 that occurring
0:40:30 um there is not a broader concern with
0:40:34 regulating public space in a manner that
0:40:36 separates men and women
0:40:39 um
0:40:40 so the question then becomes where that
0:40:43 project
0:40:44 comes from and indeed I actually when I
0:40:47 was writing my first book about the rise
0:40:48 of the Islamic Revival in 1970s Egypt
0:40:51 and I came across the term gender mixing
0:40:54 is
0:40:56 arguing strongly against it I thought to
0:40:58 myself huh where does that come from
0:41:00 yeah maybe salatis have been doing this
0:41:01 for a long time and I then traced back
0:41:04 to the 20s and 30s and find nothing of
0:41:06 the sort and indeed find that up until
0:41:09 really the 19th through the 1960s
0:41:14 the primary argument that salafis were
0:41:17 making about female modesty was an
0:41:20 individual centered concept that the
0:41:22 idea that women should dress themselves
0:41:25 modestly that they should act modestly
0:41:28 for that matter also that men should act
0:41:31 modestly and this is most notably
0:41:34 present in two key texts from this
0:41:37 period
0:41:38 um
0:41:39 one of them by
0:41:41 muhammadini and the other by namat
0:41:44 sitski a leading female Egyptian celesty
0:41:47 who was very high up in ansara
0:41:51 and what was so interesting here is that
0:41:53 asiki wrote a book that was actually
0:41:55 originally serialized in on Sarasota's
0:41:58 magazine
0:41:59 um it was called the taparos or
0:42:00 flaunting it refers to the chronic
0:42:03 prohibition against swanting and then it
0:42:06 was published as a book in as a pamphlet
0:42:08 in the early 70s
0:42:10 so we have this whole discourse of
0:42:12 tabarish
0:42:13 which allows many subscribes to which
0:42:15 sitski subscribes to which is about
0:42:17 individual female conduct
0:42:19 over the course of the 1970s salafi is
0:42:23 not merely in Egypt but also in areas as
0:42:26 varied as Yemen Kuwait Saudi Arabia come
0:42:29 to subscribe to an understanding of
0:42:31 tabarish that
0:42:33 identifies it with
0:42:36 separated with a Prohibition against
0:42:38 gender mixing so what is mean again so
0:42:40 if you just repeat it yeah the idea of
0:42:43 women flaunting flaunting okay
0:42:50 it's exclusively connected to women
0:42:53 flaunting you're saying rather than
0:42:55 correct
0:42:57 um and so
0:42:59 in the late 70s even baz who at this
0:43:03 point actually
0:43:04 is writing in ansara sunnah's magazine
0:43:07 at tell head so I promised the last time
0:43:10 I did just a case of viewers
0:43:13 was a Saudi Arabian Islamic scholar he
0:43:16 was also the grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia
0:43:19 um until his death in 1999 so this is
0:43:22 not just some random scholar he's the
0:43:24 the top guy in Saudi Arabia and the
0:43:26 leader of the salafi uh understanding if
0:43:28 you like for some years from 1993 until
0:43:31 1999 just so I get that on record yeah
0:43:34 so even Bears is a huge figure within
0:43:36 the celebrity movement uh if we're
0:43:38 talking about the big three of 20th
0:43:41 century salafism we're talking about IBN
0:43:43 Bears also a Saudi scholar and
0:43:47 muhammadini originally Albanian who kind
0:43:50 of emigrated a Perpetual immigrate yeah
0:43:52 from Damascus to Jordan to Saudi Arabia
0:43:56 back from Saudi Arabia and so forth
0:43:58 um so Kevin Bess in the pages of ansara
0:44:01 sunnah's Journal takes the position
0:44:05 that gender mixing is forbidden by Islam
0:44:08 but what's so interesting is how he
0:44:11 takes that position which reveals
0:44:12 something about solipsism intellectual
0:44:14 knowledge because there are of course
0:44:17 plenty of Precedence from the previous
0:44:19 two decades in Saudi Arabia of how to
0:44:21 argue against gender mixing and we see
0:44:24 this in the work of Mohammed bin Ibrahim
0:44:26 really the doyen of the Saudi religious
0:44:29 establishment even more powerful than
0:44:31 ibnbaz in his day who dies in 69. and
0:44:36 Muhammad and Ibrahim makes the argument
0:44:38 that this leads this is a classic case
0:44:41 of damning the pretexts of sin that it's
0:44:44 not that women and men being in the same
0:44:46 place is forbidden on its own but the
0:44:49 problem is what it invariably leads to
0:44:52 um it there invariably leads to foreign
0:44:55 to sex appetite of marriage to zinna and
0:44:58 therefore it's forbidden and this is a
0:45:01 pretty standard mod Hub based argument
0:45:03 against
0:45:05 um
0:45:06 men and women being in safe space
0:45:09 but even best as a Solace he can't make
0:45:11 this argument or it's harder for him to
0:45:13 make this argument because the cell if
0:45:15 the interpretive approach argues that
0:45:16 everything is coming from the Quran so
0:45:19 therefore one needs proof texts from the
0:45:21 Quran of the Sunnah
0:45:23 so even Bez makes the argument and I you
0:45:27 know I was stunned the first time I read
0:45:28 this
0:45:29 um
0:45:30 he writes so flaunting
0:45:34 the prohibition against flaunting means
0:45:37 that prohibition against mixing
0:45:40 this is a totally new view of the
0:45:44 meaning of Tavares one that would have
0:45:46 made zero sense to either sitski or
0:45:49 albeit but it's a position that IBN best
0:45:51 takes first in ansar Center's Journal
0:45:54 then he takes it in the Journal of the
0:45:57 Islamic University of Medina
0:46:00 this is all sort of mid to late 70s by
0:46:03 the early 80s
0:46:05 he's dropped this argument he's he's
0:46:07 still arguing that separating men and
0:46:10 women is required he's still arguing
0:46:12 that tabaros is forbidden but he's no
0:46:16 longer arguing that tabarish means
0:46:18 mixing that the prohibition against
0:46:20 wanting is a pro against prohibition
0:46:22 against mixing
0:46:24 um and this
0:46:25 underscores the fact that
0:46:28 this project of separating men and women
0:46:30 is a novel one that for salaries it's
0:46:33 not just that the project isn't adopted
0:46:35 as a non-negotiable principle until the
0:46:38 1970s it's also that
0:46:41 there is this very challenging position
0:46:43 because
0:46:45 they don't have a citation from the
0:46:48 Quran or Sunnah that easily lends itself
0:46:50 to a direct proof text approach what
0:46:54 they might have I mean this is obviously
0:46:56 as we can discuss this another time but
0:46:58 there is there are different roles in in
0:47:01 Islam uh as mandated in the Quran you
0:47:03 know for example a woman's role appears
0:47:05 to be uh more to be at home and to pray
0:47:08 at home although the idea to the same
0:47:10 she can't you know don't prevent the
0:47:11 women were going to the mop the messages
0:47:12 if they want whenever there's the center
0:47:13 of gravity is very much at home and the
0:47:16 man is expected is expected uh to go to
0:47:19 the mosque and work and so on so you
0:47:22 have this sense of different roles and
0:47:24 therefore different social spaces
0:47:25 inhabited by the genders and that leads
0:47:28 over time to the sense of
0:47:31 um what you call in your book
0:47:32 segregation but the difference is the
0:47:34 the separation of sexes in social life
0:47:37 um so there's not as if there's an
0:47:39 explicit command absolutely but
0:47:42 nevertheless there's a little logic of
0:47:43 it leading to that position uh over time
0:47:47 and they've developed over time upon
0:47:49 reflection on the Quran and the Sunnah
0:47:51 and the implications of that for social
0:47:53 relations
0:47:56 one could absolutely make the case that
0:48:00 you just made
0:48:01 but one could also make a variety of
0:48:03 other cases of of
0:48:06 men and women and this is a case that
0:48:09 non-cellacies made of men and women
0:48:12 interacting in public space in Pious
0:48:15 fashion as being something very
0:48:18 beneficial to the mafaha to the common
0:48:21 good as it being an intellectual
0:48:24 political social and economic driver for
0:48:27 Muslim majority countries now what's re
0:48:30 so it's not that gender
0:48:33 separation or segregation is Unthinkable
0:48:35 in terms of the Islamic tradition I mean
0:48:39 particularly we have this Association
0:48:40 from at least the 9th century on
0:48:43 um of female sexuality with the concern
0:48:46 with stithna and this is where that
0:48:48 Marianne Katz has done um really
0:48:50 fascinating scholarship
0:48:52 but there's still a leap there because
0:48:55 what this is doing here is not simply
0:48:57 saying that the question of zinna can be
0:49:01 regulated by expectations of individual
0:49:05 conduct
0:49:07 um
0:49:07 it's not simply saying that there is a
0:49:10 particular gendered vision of public and
0:49:13 private space which I agree with you one
0:49:15 can certainly argue in terms of Islamic
0:49:17 history that there are normative
0:49:19 expectations of men and women
0:49:21 respectively that different
0:49:22 what this is arguing is that there needs
0:49:25 to be a state-sponsored project of
0:49:29 active separation I see and this is a
0:49:33 project that
0:49:35 simply by virtue of being a project of
0:49:38 the modern state is very hard to
0:49:40 conceive of as a project of a pre-modern
0:49:42 state but also that buy salafi's own
0:49:46 interpretive approach is very very hard
0:49:48 to justify
0:49:50 um and as a result what we see is that
0:49:53 even bazen you know other selfies when
0:49:55 dealing with this question later
0:49:57 essentially try to skirt around the text
0:50:00 issue issue which is not something they
0:50:02 they commonly do
0:50:05 um I think even best here is in some
0:50:07 sense in a particularly challenging
0:50:09 position because on the one hand he
0:50:12 works as a Celestial minority in some
0:50:14 sense within a wahadi-hundly majority in
0:50:17 Saudi Arabia where gender separation is
0:50:20 already institutionalized
0:50:22 and on the other hand he has on his
0:50:24 other flank he has Al Benny who's not
0:50:27 just arguing that gender separation
0:50:29 isn't required but also arguing that the
0:50:31 nikob isn't required and so I wouldn't
0:50:34 be surprised if they're structurally
0:50:36 there was some pressure to come up with
0:50:39 a way to argue for gender separation
0:50:42 um but to me beyond the particular
0:50:45 position of if and best what's so
0:50:46 striking is that
0:50:48 as with all these practices if this
0:50:51 project was essentially self-explanatory
0:50:54 if it essentially came directly from the
0:50:57 Quran and the Sunnah
0:50:58 what took 40 years
0:51:02 um that tells us that this is a story
0:51:04 rather of a rather long interpretive
0:51:06 project that is shaped by questions of
0:51:10 women's presence in public space of
0:51:13 female sexuality of ideological
0:51:16 contestation and of the power of the
0:51:17 modern state that are very much
0:51:21 questions of the 20th century yeah I
0:51:23 think the existence of the modern nation
0:51:25 state which in the Muslim world is a
0:51:28 legacy of colonialism of course there
0:51:29 used to be a the Ottoman Empire and so
0:51:31 on and now they've got these State
0:51:32 alerts numerous stateless with numerous
0:51:35 rulers this is a uh arguably not
0:51:37 consistent with the normative Sunni
0:51:39 position of having a single ruler and so
0:51:41 on but this creates a unique set of
0:51:43 modern uh challenges where you have a a
0:51:45 powerful centralized State top-down
0:51:48 governance with European type laws that
0:51:51 regulate and so on and as a legacy of
0:51:54 colonialism Egypt obviously is one
0:51:55 example but there are many others and
0:51:57 and this creates new challenges you know
0:52:00 you just islamize this European nations
0:52:03 day or do you look to previous social
0:52:05 patterns or more devolved where you have
0:52:08 courts and other patterns of
0:52:09 jurisprudence and and Regulation and
0:52:12 it's it's a real um uh challenge uh so I
0:52:16 think you're you're highlighting some
0:52:17 some very interesting examples though
0:52:19 and you know this challenge is
0:52:22 part of what looking at these challenges
0:52:24 allows us to do is to think about the
0:52:28 ways in which selfies
0:52:31 are not simply comparable with other
0:52:34 Muslims in a given country in the Middle
0:52:37 East but
0:52:39 also comparable with broader shifts of
0:52:41 religiosity globally during this period
0:52:44 that
0:52:45 if we think about the 20th century
0:52:48 particularly the period after 1970 we
0:52:51 see religious revivals globally yeah
0:52:55 and we see efforts to reorient daily
0:52:58 life around religion everywhere from
0:53:02 sub-Saharan Africa to Latin America to
0:53:05 the United States in the Middle East we
0:53:07 see it among Jews and Christians as well
0:53:09 one has a Coptic Revival and Egypt one
0:53:12 has a religious scientist Revival in
0:53:14 Israel and so
0:53:16 then we can essentially start to ask
0:53:18 this question of
0:53:20 yeah to say yes there is something
0:53:22 distinct about The Celestine project
0:53:25 absolutely
0:53:26 there is an active reconstruction of
0:53:28 early Islamic history there are a set of
0:53:31 internal Egyptian internal Muslim
0:53:33 questions that the celesty project seeks
0:53:36 to tackle but what are the broader
0:53:39 environmental conditions that are
0:53:41 shaping these similarities globally and
0:53:43 this is one of the things that global
0:53:45 history helps us do to think about two
0:53:48 sets of questions when we notice
0:53:50 similar phenomena globally to think
0:53:52 about two sets of questions explained
0:53:54 one is are these similar phenomena that
0:53:57 essentially the product of similar in
0:54:00 similar environmental conditions
0:54:02 and B are are they the product of
0:54:05 linkages that there's a growing
0:54:06 awareness or growing interaction uh
0:54:09 among different groups which leads them
0:54:11 to dress for example dress in similar
0:54:14 ways and one of the explanations uh by
0:54:16 the global story and Christopher Bailey
0:54:18 for why we see increasingly similar
0:54:20 forms of National Dress over the course
0:54:22 of the uh long 19th
0:54:25 um and then into the early 20th century
0:54:27 is precisely this these interactions
0:54:29 where nations are distinguishing
0:54:31 themselves from other nations so
0:54:33 everyone has to have a national dress
0:54:35 and so there is some indigenous part of
0:54:38 that National Heritage that is then
0:54:39 utilized in the service of constituting
0:54:42 a national address
0:54:44 um and so this is really interesting
0:54:46 here to think about solarism and I to my
0:54:50 mind the
0:54:52 best parallel is in some sense May in
0:54:56 the political climate of today seem the
0:54:58 most unlikely um the best parallel is
0:55:01 actually ultra-orthodox Judaism that's
0:55:03 interesting yeah yes I I know yeah I
0:55:06 thought of that myself I I haven't
0:55:07 bumped into some uh so-called
0:55:09 ultra-orthodox no they call themselves
0:55:11 that Jews uh that there was there's a
0:55:14 certain whiff is selfie about them if I
0:55:17 can put it that way and there's this
0:55:19 wonderful article
0:55:21 um from the early 90s in the Jewish
0:55:23 studies Journal tradition
0:55:25 um written by a scholar
0:55:27 um at essentially the flagship of modern
0:55:30 Orthodox Judaism
0:55:31 um the academic Flagship of modern
0:55:33 Orthodox Judaism in the United States by
0:55:36 the name of Haim solovich whose Father
0:55:38 Joseph solidcik was a major modern
0:55:41 Orthodox figure in the 20th century
0:55:43 United States uh and what's so
0:55:45 interesting about what the younger solar
0:55:48 electric rights is he essentially traces
0:55:49 this process by which the pious
0:55:52 religious practices of earlier
0:55:55 generation of Orthodox and
0:55:57 ultra-orthodox Jews in the United States
0:56:01 the expectations of piety changed they
0:56:04 became much more precise much more
0:56:06 exacting
0:56:07 the concern with how to perform a
0:56:11 particular religious obligation properly
0:56:13 was no longer you do it as you were
0:56:16 taught to do it by your parents or by
0:56:18 your community and more
0:56:20 what's the precise amount of food that
0:56:23 is required to fulfill this commandment
0:56:24 let's measure the food make sure we've
0:56:27 got the precise amount a level of
0:56:30 profound Precision that
0:56:33 a is simply not reflective of historical
0:56:38 practice among even Jews even half of
0:56:40 the century earlier but B it really
0:56:43 underscores both the spread of print and
0:56:45 the normative power of modern science in
0:56:48 this context and I think we see when we
0:56:50 think of these two cases side by side
0:56:53 um
0:56:54 the similarity between the two in terms
0:56:56 of this focus on text and precision the
0:57:00 spread of print in this context the
0:57:03 broader cultural shift in which Pious
0:57:06 individuals of a certain time look back
0:57:09 at their parents and grandparents
0:57:12 generation and say looking back at how
0:57:14 they observed religion they were lacks
0:57:16 they didn't they they thought they were
0:57:19 doing it right but they were not doing
0:57:21 it right because we know how to do it
0:57:23 right now because we are looking at
0:57:25 these sources we are measuring and so
0:57:27 forth
0:57:28 that's a really fascinating
0:57:30 transformation and it's not a
0:57:32 transformation I think salaries are
0:57:34 often
0:57:35 described as particularly focused on
0:57:38 Precision in ritual practice
0:57:41 um and
0:57:43 I think there's two problems with this
0:57:45 as a description one is that they're not
0:57:48 the only Muslims who are concerned with
0:57:50 questions of precision rituals
0:57:53 but but secondly
0:57:56 it's the fact that this concern with
0:57:58 Precision is arguably a concern external
0:58:01 to any of these religious positions in
0:58:04 the way that it is manifested now it's
0:58:06 not that people didn't seek to
0:58:08 studiously perform their religious
0:58:10 obligations in a previous generation but
0:58:13 there are a set of normative ideas of
0:58:15 what Precision means in the 20th century
0:58:18 that simply wouldn't have made a lot of
0:58:20 sense in the 19th or 18th centuries
0:58:23 um I don't know I just tend to think
0:58:25 that a lot a lot of this uh renewed
0:58:27 focus on precision and action
0:58:30 you mentioned them Jews in America and
0:58:32 so on Maya has something to do I don't
0:58:34 have any scholarship to hand to back
0:58:36 this up with the increase entrenchment
0:58:38 of secularization and the hegemony of
0:58:41 Western liberalism uh and and the
0:58:44 breakdown of religious communities and
0:58:46 this kind of cultural reinforcement it
0:58:48 was just part of the air you breathe but
0:58:49 now uh that that's been diluted or
0:58:52 destroyed completely and so to to
0:58:55 practice your faith now you have to make
0:58:56 that extra effort to actually articulate
0:58:59 it to actually practice it and what does
0:59:01 that mean what you've got to understand
0:59:02 what that means and so there is a it's
0:59:05 almost like a consequence of the
0:59:07 breakdown of traditional uh religiosity
0:59:10 in the United States and obviously in
0:59:13 Western Europe as well leading to the
0:59:15 rediscovery and reassertion of faith in
0:59:18 this precise way in that context so I I
0:59:21 might say it as partly if reaction
0:59:23 against the decline of Faith uh in the
0:59:25 west and and the way to because you
0:59:27 can't just rely on the world around you
0:59:29 anymore you've got to make an effort and
0:59:32 make an effort means you've got to
0:59:33 actually know what you're doing and
0:59:34 Define it and clarify it and so on
0:59:36 leading to that Precision so in that
0:59:38 sense it's actually a healthy reaction
0:59:40 against secularization it's a attempt of
0:59:43 religion to reassert itself in a world
0:59:45 which has taken away the support that we
0:59:48 had just five minutes ago in historical
0:59:50 time
0:59:51 yeah I think that's true and true and I
0:59:53 have something too that namely that it's
0:59:55 a reaction to the fact that modern
0:59:58 States carrying particular ideological
1:00:01 projects whatever those ideological
1:00:02 projects may be politicized daily life
1:00:05 that they seek to regulate daily
1:00:06 practice and so that it should be
1:00:08 entirely unsurprising to us that Islamic
1:00:12 movements or piety movement from other
1:00:15 faiths seek to claim daily practice and
1:00:18 this isn't the normal narrative we get
1:00:21 and this is a narrative from the
1:00:23 perspective of those who essentially
1:00:25 take secularization as a normative given
1:00:27 the narrative we get is that these
1:00:29 groups are politicizing daily life
1:00:31 but the reality is that's not actually
1:00:33 what's happening here these groups are
1:00:35 not politicizing daily they are reacting
1:00:37 to the politicization of daily life and
1:00:40 doing so on terms set by the state
1:00:45 um and so in some sense
1:00:47 one doesn't have to take a position on
1:00:51 which which model of daily life one
1:00:54 desires to Simply note that structurally
1:00:56 this is the dynamic at play here and
1:00:59 that we can't understand piety movements
1:01:01 unless we understand the ways in which
1:01:03 states politicize daily life from the
1:01:04 get-go yeah okay I just finally what uh
1:01:08 in terms of a takeaway from your book
1:01:11 um which is uh the shade of the Sunnah
1:01:14 salafi party in the 20th in 20th Century
1:01:16 Middle East what would you in in brief
1:01:19 uh share with us as viewers uh as a
1:01:23 takeaway from this book uh just to
1:01:24 remember what it might be and and
1:01:26 obviously I'll put a link to it in the
1:01:27 description below if you want to read it
1:01:28 if they want to read it for themselves
1:01:30 this is a book about the emergence of
1:01:32 salafism as a social movement and about
1:01:34 the ways in which salafi is sick
1:01:37 to recapture the model of 7th Century
1:01:41 Medina in the 20th century in ways that
1:01:44 are deeply deeply shaped by the
1:01:46 questions and concerns of the 20th
1:01:48 century so if you want to read a book
1:01:50 that really places selfies in the world
1:01:53 from which they've emerged and the world
1:01:55 that they continue to work to shape this
1:01:58 could be a book that'd be very
1:01:59 interesting uh well that's a that's a
1:02:01 great summary uh well indeed thank you
1:02:03 uh very much indeed uh Dr Aaron roxinger
1:02:07 for a fascinating
1:02:08 um discussion I must say we could could
1:02:09 have gone on for hours but uh and uh but
1:02:12 very very interesting indeed and as I'll
1:02:14 put a link to uh the book below if
1:02:16 people want to follow up um it's just
1:02:18 recently was recently published this
1:02:20 year I think yeah in May 2022. gosh it
1:02:23 says hot off the press even so awesome
1:02:24 yeah exactly yeah okay well thank you
1:02:27 very much again for your time sir and uh
1:02:29 thank you until next time